Your assignments should always include the following:

Complete title of reading(s) with author’s name(s). My questions with your answers. Use quotation marks and parenthetical citation (“print” page number, not “PDF” page number when applicable) when quoting directly from the text.

About 40% of each of your answers should be paraphrasing based on your understanding of the text, the other 60% should be direct quotes (properly cited) from the reading.

McAuliffe, Cameron and Kurt Iveson. “Art and Crime (and Other Things Besides… ): Conceptualising Graffiti in the City.” Geography Compass, vol. 5, no.3, 2011, pp. 128–143.

In their article, McAuliffe and Iveson choose a series of interrogations of common dialectical positions to talk about graffiti. Briefly summarize the position presented by the authors for each of the following questions:

Please use a combination of direct quote and your own words in your answer. At least 200 words altogether.

1.Is it art or crime? (i.e., What is the argument for it being called a crime? What is the argument for it being called art? Is it public or private expression?

2.(i.e., What is the argument for public expression? For private expression?)

3. Is it a purely cultural practice, or is it economic? (i.e., What is the argument for cultural practice? For economic practice?)

4. Is graffiti necessarily ephemeral, or does it seek permanence? (i.e., What is the argument for ephemerality? For permanence?)

Lennon, John. “Assembling a Revolution Graffiti, Cairo and the Arab Spring.” Cultural Studies Review, vol. 20, no. 1, March 2014, pp. 237–260 & 266-75.

(2 points) Lennon’s thesis is articulated on page 241: “This article… is not an attempt to tease out these various religious, social, gendered and economic arguments that were, in various degrees, presented during the demonstrations and its aftermath…. Instead, my focus is on Cairo graffiti and particular ways revolutionary desire is articulated and interpreted through this

medium. This passionate, though amorphous, desire is neither dogmatic nor uniform.” What does the author mean when he says that this “desire is neither dogmatic nor uniform”? (At least 50 words.)

(3 points) “The Freedom Painters” are a graffiti collective who want to work within a “legal framework” (255).

What are two (2) ideological reasons, as stated by the author, for why other Egyptian writers (like Ganzeer) choose to write illegally? (At least 75 words)

(5 points) Choose two (2) protest graffiti images from the article—figures 1-11 & 13 only (figures 1-3 are considered one image)— and discuss how “revolutionary desire is articulated and interpreted” through them (241). (At least 125 words

The following is a study of global hip-hop from 2008. According to the authors, their “findings identify commonalities among members of the hip-hop Diaspora and suggest that the core essence of hip-hop is shared by marginalized groups. [Their] data also illustrate that hip-hop is malleable and is adapted to speak to members of multiple national cultures, and localized socioeconomic and political conditions: hip-hop youth culture is glocalized.”

Carol M. Motley is an Associate Professor, Department of Marketing, Industrial Distribution and Economics, University of Alabama at Birmingham.

Geraldine Rosa Henderson was an Associate Professor of Marketing at Loyola University Chicago’s Quinlan School of Business. She published more than 50 articles, books, or book chapters with a primary research focus on global marketplace diversity and inclusion, including co-authoring the book Consumer Equality: Race and the American Marketplace. She received the 2015 Kinnear Best Paper Award from the Journal of Public Policy & Marketing. See In Memoriam.

Motley, Carol M. and Henderson, Geraldine Rosa. “The Global Hip-Hop Diaspora: Understanding the Culture.” Journal of Business Research, vol. 61, 2008, pp. 243–253.

The article is quite dense and is written in APA style. My Topic Notes highlight key points and quotes.

(2 points) In the section entitled “Hip-hop: commonalities,” the authors discuss how the cover album above from the Italian group Articolo 31 has been "glocalized."

According to the article, in what ways does the image combine traditional American hip-hop signifiers with local Italian ones? (Name at least two American hip-hop signifiers and how they are combined with Italian ones.)

(3 points) In “Ties that bind: collective marginalities” and “Hip-hop is me” the authors propose that global hip-hop speaks to marginalized youth. According to the authors, how did Japanese and Korean young people, and second-generation Turkish youth in Germany use hip-hop as a form of socio-political protest? Discuss their reasons for their rebellion. (At least 60 words)

(5 points) The authors introduce another definition of "glocalization" (i.e., different from the Crothers version) that involves a three-step process: appropriation, adaptation, and authenticity. Briefly define each—appropriation, adaptation, and authenticity—and provide one example from the article for each. At least 35 words for each.

John Lie (pronounced "Lee") was born in South Korea, grew up in Japan and in Hawaii, and attended Harvard University where he received A.B. in Social Studies and Ph.D. in Sociology. Currently he is C.K. Cho Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley.

Lie's main scholarly interest is social theory. After working on a reconceptualization of "markets," he sought to rethink the categories of modern peoplehood—race, ethnicity, and nation—which was published as Modern Peoplehood (Harvard University Press, 2004). He is currently working on a systematic work of social theory, tentatively entitled The Consolation of Social Theory. In addition, he is completing a series of books on topics that have bedeviled him: violence, democracy, and the modern (global) university. He also serves on the editorial board of over a dozen journals.

From https://sociology.berkeley.edu/faculty/john-lie

For an accessible version, please read the chapter in the eBook online at the Emerson library: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/emerson/reader.action?docID=1711046

Lie, John. K-Pop: Popular Music, Cultural Amnesia, and Economic Innovation in South Korea. University of California Press, 2014. Chapter Two: Seoul Calling: “The Age of K-Pop” (PDF version pp. 1-17) on-line version, pp. 122-38 & “The Aesthetics, Branding, and Character of K-Pop,” (PDF pp. 18-28) on-line version, pp. 175-85.

In the chapter, there are many Korean names and terms that have been transliterated. Please see the GLOSSARY below for help in understanding them.

(4 points) Gender dimorphism is a distinguishing feature of K-Pop (hence the emphasis on single gender groups). According to the author, how are K-Pop stars supposed to look (faces, bodies, etc.)? What physical characteristics for male-identifying and female-identifying performers are valued in K-Pop culture? Describe both. What is meant by “the valorization of the visual"? (At least 75 words)

(2 points) The author explains how South Korea’s success at exporting K-Pop to Japan was due to J-Pop. Why? How does K-pop differ from J-Pop? (At least 40 words)

(4 points) In "The Aesthetics, Branding, and Character of K-Pop" section of the reading, Lie explains how K-Pop contradicts what he describes as the “European romantic ideal." What is the "European romantic ideal"? How does K-Pop contradict it? What does this have to do with “authenticity" ? (At least 100 words) GLOSSARY

ch’anggŭk

ch’angga

yuhaengga (also known as "trot")

post–Sŏ T’ae-ji wa Aidŭl phenomenon (group)

Cho Sŏng-mo (ballad singer)

Japanese "idol"

Korean "idol"

Dr Jonathan Matusitz is an Associate Professor in the Nicholson School of Communication at the University of Central Florida. His academic interests include globalization, intercultural communication, popular culture, organizational communication and communication & technology.

Pam Payano was a Research Assistant in the Nicholson School of Communication at the University of Central Florida. Her academic interests focused on intercultural communication, popular culture, visual communication and globalization.

Abstract

This article examines significant evidence of recent Bollywood influence on the Western movie industry, particularly Hollywood, and explores the implications of such developments in the context of globalisation. Within the ongoing globalisation of entertainment, a process that does not automatically lead to cultural Westernisation and uniformisation, Bollywood has by now become both a symbol of Indian cinema’s circulation all over the world and the embodiment of non-monolithic globalisation. Bollywood is evidently not a homogenising influence that forces non-Indian cultures to embrace its cinematographic or musical norms and practices. Rather, it creates new hybrids. The article offers a framework for explaining the growing cultural and

economic changes and movements of such non-hegemonic spreading of popular culture and identifies future agenda for research.

Matusitz, Jonathan and Payano, Pam. “Globalisation of Popular Culture: From Hollywood To Bollywood.” South Asia Research, vol. 32, no. 2, 2012, pp. 123–138.

(5 points) In the section “Bollywood: A Descriptive Overview,” the authors describe the characteristics of a Bollywood film. List at least five (5) such features (aesthetics, plot, etc.) using quotes from the text to support your answers. (At least 20 words each)

(2 points) According to the reading, how are Bollywood and Hollywood joining forces? Name at least two (2) ways.

(3 points) Why do the authors think that Bollywood does not “symbolise a homogenising influence forcing non-Indian cultures to adopt its cinematographic and musical norms and practices” (133)? (At least 75 words)

Journal of Business Research 61 (2008) 243 – 253

The global hip-hop Diaspora: Understanding the culture ☆

Carol M. Motleya,*, Geraldine Rosa Hendersonb,* 1

a School of Business and Industry, Florida A & M University, One SBI Plaza, Tallahassee, Florida 32302, United States b Integrated Marketing Communications, Affiliated Faculty, African American Studies, Northwestern University,

1870 Campus Drive, Room 3-109, EV2170, Evanston, Illinois 60208, United States

Abstract

From New York to Paris, Tokyo and Sydney, hip-hop culture is a Diaspora transcending ethnic, linguistic, and geographic boundaries. As Osumare [Osumare H. Beat streets in the global hood: connective marginalities of the hip-hop globe. Journal of American and Comparative Cultures 2001;2(Spring/Summer):171-181.] indicates, “Global hip-hop youth culture has become a phenomenon in the truest sense of the word and has affected nearly every country on the map (171).” We extend our knowledge of the worldwide diffusion of hip-hop culture (Stanley TL. Cool consumption goods fit for hip-hop. Advert Age 2004;75:12 [July 12]) and employ qualitative research methods to address our research questions. Our findings identify commonalities among members of the hip-hop Diaspora and suggest that the core essence of hip-hop is shared by marginalized groups. Our data also illustrate that hip-hop is malleable and is adapted to speak to members of multiple national cultures, and localized socioeconomic and political conditions: hip-hop youth culture is glocalized. © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Hip-hop culture; Appropriation; Glocalization; Marginalized groups

1. Introduction

From New York, to Paris, Tokyo, Sydney and localities in between,hip-hopculture isaDiasporaspanningethnic,linguistic, and geographic boundaries. As Osumare (2001) indicates, “Global hip-hop youth culture has become a phenomenon in the truest sense of the word and has affected nearly every country on the map (171).” Similar to other popular music cultures such as punk rock and heavy metal, the global appeal of the hip-hop aesthetic “has led to its being productively used in new social and linguistic environments” (Androutsopoulous and Scholz, 2003, 463). Perhaps, what separates hip-hop from these other genres is that hip-hop gives a voice to the otherwise voiceless,

☆ We gratefully acknowledge funding to the second author from the University ofTexasatAustinIC2Institute.WeareindebtedtothestudentsatTheThunderbird School for Global Management for their assistance with data collection and to Nakeisha Ferguson for her assistance with manuscript preparation.

* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 850 559 8332; fax: +1 850 559 3533. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (C.M. Motley),

[email protected] (G.R. Henderson). 1 Tel.: +1 847 467 1820; fax: +1 847 556 6594.

0148-2963/$ – see front matter © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.jbusres.2007.06.020

perhaps members of global “connective marginalities” (Osumare, 2001):

Hip-hop's connective marginalities … are social resonances between black expressive culture within its contextual

political history and similar dynamics in other nations.

(Osumare, 2001, 172) Hip-hop has transformed from marginalized to mainstream

in the United States, a circumstance that provides audiences and media access to those in other geographic locations in the early stage of a local hip-hop product lifecycle. More than 50 million hip-hop fans in the United States and 100 million worldwide consume some form of hip-hop, making hip-hop consumers a lucrative market to understand (Kaikati and Kaikati, 2004). Music and associated paraphernalia (e.g., t-shirts, posters) flood the cultural landscape (Fenn and Perullo, 2000). Hip-hop culture influences styles of behavior and dress: from sagging pants to oversized tees, hip-hop style is an important business venture for the not only the recording industry, but also clothing, fashion, accessories and beauty industries worldwide. For example, the fashion of droopy, oversized pants, baseball caps, and Nike sneakers are a leading style for teenage boys in

the United States, Tokyo, Japan (Condry, 2000b), and Tanzania (Perullo, 2005). We suggest that the diffusion of hip-hop culture not only encompasses commonalities among collective margin- alities, but also exhibits an ability to adapt to local socioeco- nomic and political environments.

Much of the research examining the diffusion of hip-hop focuses primarily on the sociological and psychological aspects in single cultural settings such as Japan, Germany, and Italy (Condry, 2001a; Elflein, 1998; Mitchell, 1995). However, there is little business research addressing the impact of hip-hop's global movement on consumers. A notable exception is Kjeldgaard and Askegaard's (2006) discussion of the global youth segment that intersects, but does not subsume, the global hip-hop segment. Our objective is to begin to address this gap in the marketing literature by providing consumers' perceptions of the hip-hop culture and experiences worldwide. We explore the globalization, adaptation and localization of hip-hop. Specifi- cally, our research questions are: How is hip-hop perceived by individuals in different cultures? When hip-hop is found outside of the U.S., is it imported American music (with perhaps necessary language translations) or does hip-hop take on a new form based on the local context in which it exists?

2. Methodology

To develop and illustrate our theory of the hip-hop cultural Diaspora we employed an exploratory research design, and collected primary data in the form of depth interviews and drew heavily from extant literature. We conducted 35 depth inter- views of hip-hop enthusiasts representing multiple countries-of- origin over a two-month period (cf. McGrath and Otnes, 1995; Motley, Henderson, and Baker, 2003; Spiggle, 1994). The coauthors and 21 student collaborators interviewed 35 people identified in multiple ways: some were personal contacts of the interviewers, others were visitors to hip-hop clubs, and a few were identified through the Internet.

Informants were from a variety of race/ethnic groups, countries, and ages. Race/ethnic groups include Asians (i.e., Korean, Indian, Taiwanese, Chinese, Iranian, Japanese), White- Americans, Black-Americans, Hispanics, Native Americans, and those of mixed heritage. Respondents' countries-of-origin include Korea, India, Taiwan, United States, Croatia, China, and Peru. The majority resided in the United States at the time of their interviews; however, those of non-American nationality either did not reside in the U.S. at the time of their interview or had

Table 1 Participant information: respondents quoted

Participant Participant race/ Participant Participant Participant number ethnicity nationality gender age

101 Korean Korean Male Early 30s 102 Korean Korean Male Early 30s 103 Indian Indian Male Early 30s 104 Taiwanese Taiwanese Female Late 20s 121 Native American American Male Early 20s 123 Black American Female Early 20s 130 White American Female Mid 30s

Table 2 Empirical research on hip-hop: countries analyzed

Author(s) Year Country/ies investigated

Androutsopoulos and Scholz 2003 France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain Bennett 1999 England Cheeseman 1998 Germany Condry 2000a Japan Condry 2000b Japan Condry 2001a Japan Condry 2001b Japan Decker 1993 USA Dimitriadis 1996 USA Elflein 1998 Germany, USA Fenn and Perullo 2000 Malawi, Tanzania Fernandes 2003 Cuba George 1998 USA Hess 2005 USA Kalra and Hutnyk 1998 South Asia, primarily India Kitwana 2002 USA Kitwana 2005 USA Mattar 2003 Singapore Maxwell 1997 Australia Mitchell 1995 Italy Mitchell 2001 France, Italy, New Zealand Morelli 2001 Korea Osumare 2001 Canada, Caribbean, China, Cuba,

Dominican Republic, France, India, Israel, Russia, Senegal, USA, more

Osumare 2007 Canada, Caribbean, China, Cuba, Dominican Republic, France, India, Israel, Russia, Senegal, USA, more

Pennay 2001 Germany Perullo 2005 Tanzania Simmons and George 2001 USA Tate 1999 USA Wermuth 2001 Netherlands (Holland)

only resided in the U.S. for a short period of time while attending college prior to their interview. The informants ranged in age from mid-teens to mid-thirties. Less than 25% of the respondents were females, which was both reflective of the set of interviewers as well as the global prevalence of males in the hip-hop culture. Informants were qualified if they self-identified as both hip- hop enthusiasts and knowledgeable about hip-hop culture. (See Table 1 for a listing of all respondents quoted within this paper representing a subset of the 35 interviewees). We did not define “hip-hop culture” for them since we wanted the respondents to tell us how they characterized and perceived hip-hop culture.

Interviewers were trained to use a standardized interview protocol (e.g., what do you know about hip-hop? Where did you learn about hip-hop? How do you feel about hip-hop? Have you ever purchased any hip-hop music?). They were also trained on probing techniques to determine individual meanings and per- ceptions, and on the appropriate depth of transcribed discussions. The interviews were either conducted face-to-face or over the telephone and audio taped. Whereas most interviews were conducted in English, a few were conducted in a language com- monly known to the respondents and the interviewers. In the latter instances, the interviews were translated into English. The length of the interviews varied, some were as short as 40 min, and others were as long as 90 min, depending on the informant's immersion

Fig. 1. Rap CD releases France, Italy and Spain. Adapted from Androutsopoulos and Scholz (2003).

in hip-hop culture. On average, the interviews lasted approxi- mately 60 min. Informants provided basic demographic data, and contact information for subsequent verification of accuracy.

We also examined extant literature on hip-hop from numerous disciplines, (e.g., sociology, psychology, political science, linguistics, history) to help understand the connective margin- alities, the global aesthetic and the phenomena, and to situate our respondents' perceptions and comments. Twenty-nine articles containing either qualitative or quantitative data on the meaning, perception or consumption of hip-hop are analyzed. These studies are from 23 countries representing six continents (Table 2). Thus, our data are rich as we draw upon research collected with multi- ple methods and from multiple sources representing views from various national and ethnic groups, and numerous disciplines.

Interpretations of emergent themes were derived directly from interview transcripts, interviewer notes and the extant literature. The themes were independently developed by the coauthors, and while the labels differed, the interpretations overlapped. This consistency in the themes provides confidence in the “story” the data tell.

3. Hip-hop: we are one

A theme that emerged from the data is that there are multiple commonalities within the global hip-hop culture. The Internet facilitates interaction among hip-hop consumers and helps promote commonalities in issues discussed, knowledge of hip- hop community current events, and language patterns (Mattar, 2003). Further, record companies, print media and musicians promote the global hip-hop culture (Condry, 2000a). This youth community is united by not only an understanding of the elements of hip-hop and consumption of these elements, but also shares a sense of marginality and oppression, both real and imagined. We discuss the origins and shared components of hip- hop, the concept of collective marginalities (Osumare, 2007), and how consumers around the world embrace hip-hop to help express themselves and their frustrations.

3.1. Hip-hop: commonalities

Hip-hop music and other elements of hip-hop culture have transformed since the beginnings in the early 1970s in New

York City as block party music played by African-American, Puerto Rican, and Jamaican party hosts (George, 1998; Light, 1999; Toop, 1984; Watkins, 1998). At that time, it was a combination of a “rap” or semi-autobiographical chant and an instrumental track, generally sampled (i.e., borrowed) from an existing reggae, rock, or rhythm and blues recording. In addition to serving as a form of entertainment, some musicians used hip-hop to “channel the anger of young people in the South Bronx away from gang fighting” (Lipsitz, 1994). By the early 1980s, hip-hop had gained commercial success, began to enter the musical mainstream in the U.S., and spread around the world (Cheeseman, 1998)(Fig. 1).

Hip-hop culture is transmitted outside and within the United States via film and the arts community (Watkins, 1998). For example, hip-hop was introduced to Germany in movies such as Wild Style (1982) and Beat Street (1984) (Elflein, 1998). More recently, in 2006, hip-hop artists Three 6 Mafia performed at the Academy Awards Ceremony, and their song from the movie Hustle and Flow, “It's Hard Out Here for a Pimp,” won the Oscar for best song (Avis, 2006; Sisario, 2006). To further illustrate the significance of hip-hop in popular culture, in that same year, the Smithsonian Institute's National Museum of American History announced a permanent exhibit to honor the history of hip-hop. The “Hip-Hop Won't Stop: The Beat, the Rhymes, the Life” exhibit is slated to contain a variety of memorabilia (Sisario, 2006). Inclusion of these artifacts and cultural markers in a museum of this stature is part of the institutionalization process, and provides legitimacy to the music genre and hip-hop culture.

Most scholars agree that there are four main elements of hip- hop culture: graffiti, break dancing, “DJing,” and “MCing.” Graffiti is the visual art and break dancing is an element of the performance art of the hip-hop culture. The disk jockey (DJ) selects and blends the background music tracts. Originally, the master of ceremonies (MC) introduced the DJ and the music. To generate excitement, the MC would encourage and greet the audience with verbal exchanges. Over time, the practice developed into a style called “rapping” (Hager, 1984). Similar to the West-African traditions of storytelling with song lyrics (Keyes, 2002; Osumare, 2001), rappers would comment upon their personal struggles including frustrations and joys. Early rap's dense, poetic, lyric content [was] often underpinned by African- American messages about a historical marginalized status” (Osumare, 2001). Grandmaster Flash, a pioneer of rap, notes:

Hip hop is the only genre of music that allows us to talk about almost anything. Musically, it allows us to sample and play and create poetry to the beat of music. It's highly controversial, but that's the way the game is.

Grandmaster Flash as quoted in Light (1999, vii)

While there is a universal understanding of the elements (DJing, MCing, graffiti, and break dance), the emphasis on particular elements differs by artist, sub-genre (e.g., rap, neo-soul) and region, and thus allows much flexibility in the creation and consumption of hip-hop. Whereas you might find one hip- hop song focusing primarily on the lyrics and thus is much more of a rap song, another may place more emphasis on the sampling

of various melodies and could contain a blend of traditional/ ethnic and even tribal music. As one of our respondents notes:

“Hip-hop and rap are different styles that may seem similar. Both represent urban culture to a limit, but as far as the sounds go, hip-hop has rhythms of the structure that is more twisted around the beats of the song and evident as a derivative of rhythm and blues.”

Indian male, early 30s

Both the artist and the consumer can select what works best subject to their particular needs (Maxwell, 1997). This is particularly evident in a live performance in which the artist and consumer interact to co-produce the experience (Dimitriadis, 1996). Even when choosing recordings, individuals can self­ select into a hip-hop community based on the manner in which elements are combined and meet the unique needs of the creator and consumer.

“Hip-hop is the community, but just like any other community, you may not be like your next-door neighbor, so don’t assume one hip-hop artist is like the other… they have a lot in common, but they are not the same.”

Black-American female, early 20s

Certainly, the commercialization of rap music expands the definition of hip-hop culture beyond the four elements to include colloquialisms, body language, attitude, style, and fashion (Kitwana, 2002, 8). An example of how the elements can be combined in new and interesting ways to create meaning

Fig. 2. CD cover art Articolo 31 (Androutsopoulos, Scholz 2003).

and value for the consumers and artists is the Italian group Articolo 31 (Androutsopoulos and Scholz, 2003). The cover of their album, “Messa Di Vespiri” (see Fig. 2), shows the artists donning the traditional hip-hop baseball cap turned backwards, and includes the familiar hip-hop graffiti-style font, as well as the Gothic style reminiscent of African-American artists such as Snoop Dogg. In addition, the lyrics speak to common themes ofoppression, brotherhood, and the need to stand up for oneself. However, at the same time there are elements that speak to stereotypic local Italian cultural markers: spaghetti, the checked table cloth, wine served in a traditional-looking decanter, blocks of parmesan, and the tattoo of Italy on the artist’s arm. The music includes samples from familiar Italian medleys to further enhance the localization. Thus, a unique meaning is created for those who experience it.

This discussion of the elements of global hip-hop began with a quote from the hip-hop pioneer Grandmaster Flash that suggests that the flexibility of the art form serves those in the hip-hop community well. The hip-hop elements can be combined by limitless factors to create culture and commu­ nity. Grandmaster Flash said it could be done and it is being done over time, across geographic regions, and across cultures.

“When I think of hip-hop, a lot of things come to my mind; ah the colorful imagery, newer psychedelic collage of samples and styles, tasteful rhythms. As the very popular music of the 90’s; hip hop music very much captures the reflection of urban culture in its musical form. My mind is also replete with the great African-American culture, break dancing, graffiti spraying, turntablism, and sexual expres­ sion, ostentatious display of richness and bling-bling, and sensuality. I also think of the great